Logic, Not Magic. Sanity, Not Irrationality: The Abandonment of Scientific Temper in India

 

India’s Constitution, a visionary document for a modern and inclusive republic, doesn’t merely prescribe laws—it envisions values. Among these is Article 51A(h), which urges citizens to develop a “scientific temper, humanism, and the spirit of inquiry and reform.” This clause is more than symbolic. It reflects the aspirations of a nation that emerged from colonial rule with the hope of building a society rooted in reason, progress, and democratic dialogue.

Yet today, this constitutional value stands not just neglected but deliberately undermined, especially by those wielding power. The dominant discourse amplified by mainstream media and political rhetoric is increasingly shaped by appeals to emotion, faith, and mythology rather than reason, science, and evidence. A growing emphasis on building temples, glorifying a selectively curated “Golden Vedic past,” and promoting a reactionary cultural agenda has led to a departure from rational thought. This shift risks replacing logic with superstition and critical inquiry with unquestioning beliefs. 

Instead of fostering rational discourse, public attention is diverted through a celebration of myth over history, ritual over science, and spectacle over substance. Temples are inaugurated with great fanfare while schools and research institutions struggle for basic funding. Political leaders promote pseudoscientific claims—from ancient aircraft in the Vedic era to cow-based cures—without evidence or accountability. Public policy is increasingly shaped not by scientific advice but by religious symbolism and emotional populism.

The mainstream media, far from being a watchdog, often becomes a megaphone for these narratives, glorifying mythology while marginalizing scientists, educators, and activists who raise rational concerns. Questioning is branded as anti-national. Debate is replaced by dogma.

The narrative being pushed encourages a mindset where complex social, economic, and scientific issues are met not with data and deliberation, but with simplistic solutions rooted in mythology and magical thinking. Whether it is the promotion of pseudo-science in education, the distortion of historical facts, or the sidelining of experts in favor of demagogues, the cumulative impact is a shrinking space for rational public discourse.

These irrational ideas are not harmless—they are cultivating an environment of collective delusion. When belief takes precedence over reason, it becomes easier to suppress dissent, to ignore the needs of the present by idolizing an imagined past, and to manipulate public opinion through spectacle rather than substance.

The result? A public sphere where irrationality is normalized, dissent is demonized, and critical thinking is on the retreat. This is not merely cultural regression—it is dangerous. 

At a time when the world is tackling challenges like climate change, AI ethics, health crises, and economic inequality, India needs evidence-based policy and scientific leadership, not magical thinking.

We must remember: Scientific temper is not anti-religion—it is anti-superstition. It does not oppose faith—it opposes blind faith. It encourages questioning, critical thinking, and reform—values that are not just essential for science, but for democracy itself.

India’s strength has always been its ability to question, to innovate, and to evolve. Upholding logic over magic, and sanity over irrationality, is not just a philosophical preference—it is essential for a modern, just, and progressive society. The path forward must be guided by evidence, reasoned debate, and scientific temper—not by dogma disguised as tradition.

To abandon a scientific temper is to betray the Constitution. To revive it is to reclaim the future.

Conceptualizing Freedom: M.N. Roy’s Revolutionary Blueprint for India’s Constituent Assembly

 

https://amzn.in/d/aiN4bMd

This book is available at Amazon 

It is about the significant contribution made by the Indian intellectual leader, M.N. Roy, who first proposed the idea of convening a Constituent Assembly in 1928, amid opposition to the Simon Commission. He argued that Indians must independently frame their Constitution, rejecting any Assembly under British control as lacking true sovereignty. 

This book explores Roy's vision of the Constituent Assembly. As a revolutionary, he visualized the CA as a democratic body arising from mass struggle, not a mere legal formality. Over time, he developed this vision through speeches and writings. He also advocated for including Fundamental Rights, as seen in the 1931 Karachi Resolution. For Roy, constitution-making was a transformative act of collective political will, rooted in the people’s active participation. He also authored the draft Indian Constitution in 1944, which was circulated by the Radical Democratic Party.

This work argues that Roy’s conception of the Constituent Assembly differed from his contemporaries and extended far beyond the procedural mechanics of constitution-making. For Roy, constituting the Constituent Assembly was a radical, democratic, and revolutionary project rooted in the active participation of informed, conscientious citizens addressing the immediate concerns of the masses.

This book concluded that if applied today, Roy’s vision could serve as a powerful reminder of the importance of participatory democracy. It underscores the need for civic engagement, transparency, and public accountability in constitutional governance, especially in times when democratic institutions are under stress. His ideas remain relevant as they challenge us to envision constitution-making not as a bureaucratic task but as a continuous, inclusive, democratic, people-driven process.

A quote from this book to demonstrate Roy's idea of the Constituent Assembly:

In his address at Faizpur, Roy elaborated on his idea of the Constituent Assembly, stating, “A Constituent Assembly means nothing less than a challenge to the self-assumed prerogative of the British Government to dictate the political right of Indian people…For us the Constituent Assembly is not only an agitation and propaganda slogan but also a slogan for practical politics. When we raise the slogan, we raise the issue of the capture of power.”

Another quote by MN Roy, as mentioned in this book 

"The idea of the Constituent Assembly means the determination of the Indian people to create an organ of power for asserting their right to self-determination."

Remembering the Founding Mothers of the Indian Constitution

March 8, 2025

In my article that appeared here https://janataweekly.org/remembering-the-founding-mothers-of-the-indian-constitution/, I wrote about the Indian women who played a key role in pre-colonial times, contributing immensely to the freedom struggle and shaping the Indian Constitution. 

The pioneer women paved the way for democracy, and it is because of their efforts that Indian women today enjoy equal citizenship rights. They serve as a role model for future generations. Their legacy continues to inspire generations of women to engage with the state and assert their citizenship rights. 

Decades later, the impact of their work is visible. Then, 15 women participated in drafting the Constitution; today, 1.4 million women serve as panchayat leaders. While more women must be joining the top-level decision-making bodies, including the Parliament, the Supreme Court, the High Courts, and the Legislative Assemblies, it is important to celebrate the role of the Founding Mothers. 

As the world celebrates Women's History Month, India could take a moment to recognize the contribution of its Founding Mothers, who advocated for lasting changes. 

As early as 1939, women's collective, in their report of the Sub-Committee on Women's Role in Planned Economy, reimagined the Indian woman as a complete, self-sufficient, and pro-active citizen. 

This report noted, 

"We do not wish to turn a woman into a cheap imitation of a man or to render her useless for the great tasks of motherhood and nation-building. But in demanding equal status and opportunity, we desire to achieve for women the possibility of development under favourable circumstances of education and opportunity, and while doing so, urge upon the State its responsibility towards women in this respect."

Based on this report, the Indian Women's Charter on Rights and Duties was prepared, which highlighted that educated and capable men and women, enjoying their rights to freedom and equality, could contribute to societal progress. 

The outcome of their struggles was a radical step towards liberation. The writing of the Constitution refuted the colonial logic of natives being incapable of self-rule. 

The Founding Mothers significantly shaped the Preamble, advocating for equality, liberty, justice, democracy, and secularism, besides affirmative actions for the marginalized. 

Despite facing numerous challenges, they championed the rights of women in a male-dominated society. 

Their legacy continues to inspire future generations. 

At NCERT: On Founding Mothers

What is the Legacy the Founding Mothers left behind for us to follow?

The legacy of the women members of the Constituent Assembly is profound, as they played a pivotal role in shaping India's political and social framework. These women members have left an indelible mark on the life, history, and progress of India, influencing every aspect of the nation's development. 

As a result of the rigorous efforts by these women members during colonial times, women in post-colonial India are recognized as equal citizens rather than mothers, daughters, or wives. 

Through their active participation in the freedom struggle and crafting the Constitution, these women revolutionized how women's issues were shaped and addressed in this country. 

Despite the significant challenges they faced, they paved the way for future generations of women to engage actively in public life and policymaking. India owes a deep debt of respect to these founding mothers for their enduring contributions. Their impact is evident in the ongoing movement toward gender equality, underscoring the essential role women played in crafting the nation’s foundational principles.

Through their advocacy for women's rights and active participation in policy discussions, they influenced key decisions and paved the way for future generations of women in public life and policymaking. Their unwavering spirit, courage, and wisdom left a lasting impact on India's development, particularly in areas like gender equality, individual freedoms, decentralization, and social justice. Their contributions continue to inspire and ensure that their efforts are remembered in the nation's history.

 

Quotes by Hansa Mehta

 For a while now, I have been exploring the contributions of the Founding Mothers of India—those pioneering women who played a crucial role in shaping the nation during its formative years. Among them, Hansa Mehta stands out not only for her involvement in the Indian freedom movement but also for her key role as a member of the Constituent Assembly. She was a staunch advocate for women's rights, equality, and justice, both in India and on the international stage.

Born on 3 July 1897, Hansa Mehta was a passionate advocate for women’s rights, a reformer, educator, and a prominent member of the Indian Constituent Assembly. She also represented India at the United Nations Human Rights Commission. She was a prolific writer and wrote extensively on women's and children’s issues. Her work laid the foundation for women's rights in India and made a lasting impact on the global stage, marking her as a key figure in the fight for gender justice (Scaria and Nigam, 2016).In 1946, as president of the All-India Women's Conference (AIWC), Mehta played a pivotal role in drafting the "Indian Women’s Charter for Rights and Duties,", mentioned above, along with other women activists. This Charter called for gender equality, civil rights, and justice for women in India. It became a foundational document in the campaign for women's human and constitutional rights in India and abroad.

Mehta’s contribution to the drafting of the UDHR was pivotal, particularly in ensuring gender-sensitive language in the document, making it inclusive. As India’s delegate to the UN Commission on Human Rights from 1947 to 1948, she played a crucial role in shaping the Bill of Rights, not just as a symbolic gesture, but as a concrete commitment to human dignity.

During the early drafts, the word “man” was used, which excluded women. When Eleanor Roosevelt, who chaired the drafting committee, remained unaware of the omission, Mehta passionately advocated for a change. She suggested replacing “All men are born free and equal” in Article 1 with “All human beings are born free and equal.” Initially dismissed as unnecessary, Mehta persisted in her efforts, and the wording was ultimately changed to “human beings,” ensuring that the UDHR was inclusive of all genders. Her tireless work demonstrated her unwavering commitment to gender equality and human rights 

Johnson noted,

“Mrs Hansa Mehta, the Indian representative, an active member of the Indian National Congress, the independence movement, had served significant terms of imprisonment for her anti-colonial activities.  President of SNDT Women’s University, Mrs Mehta was evaluated by the United States State Department as an intelligent person, a clear thinker, but her effectiveness was somewhat limited by the fact that she spoke in a barely audible whisper.”

In this space, I am compiling some of Hansa Mehta’s most powerful and thought-provoking quotes. Her words offer valuable insights into her vision for an inclusive and egalitarian India, and they continue to inspire generations who seek a just society.

In her speech on 19 December 1946, she stated,

“What we have asked for is social justice. We have asked for that equality which alone can be the basis of mutual respect and understanding, and without which real cooperation is not possible between a man and a woman. Women form one-half of the population of this country, and therefore, men cannot go very far without the cooperation of women.”

“A life of duties alone without rights means an existence of a slave, while rights without duties would mean a state of anarchy i.e. more licence than freedom. It is only when rights and duties are properly balanced and integrated that we can get an ideal society where freedom in true sense of the term can flourish.”

Hansa Mehta

"The goodness or badness of the Constitution depends on how it is going to work. If it works in the interest of people, it will be a good Constitution; if it works otherwise, it is a bad Constitution. It is for the future electors to elect the right kind of persons, who will work the Constitution in the interests of the people. The responsibility, therefore, lies with the people." 

Hansa Mehta

“A life of duties without rights means the existence of a slave; while rights without duties mean a state of anarchy i.e., more license than freedom. It is only where rights and duties are properly balanced and integrated that we can get an ideal society where freedom in the true sense of the term can flourish.”

Hansa Mehta, 1951 Human Rights and Their Significance, Hansa Mehta Papers, Speech and Writings, File No. 26, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Delhi

Johnson Geln M. (1998) A Magna Carta of Mankind: Writing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A History of its Creation and Implementation 1948-1998, By M Glen Johnson and Jaunsz Symonides, UNESCO p. 24

Bulldozing Humanity: The Rise of Extrajudicial Power

 

Despite a Constitution that promises equality and social justice, a culture of discrimination, marginalization, and state-sanctioned violence continues to flourish in India. For over seven decades, institutional bias and bureaucratic apathy have persisted. Today, this toxic collaboration between a bureaucratic elite ("Babudom" or Kafkaseque bureaucracy) and political power structures ("Babadom" used by Partha Chatterjee in 2004 in the Politics of the Governed to depict the cult of leaders where thousands of people blindly follow one person), now armed with bulldozers, is systematically bulldozing not just homes, but humanity itself. The Constitution, the rule of law, justice, rationality, and dignity are being razed in the name of order.

Bulldozer Politics Is Not New

Article 21 of the Indian Constitution guarantees the right to life with dignity. The Supreme Court, through landmark cases like Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985) 3 SCC 545, affirmed that this right includes the right to livelihood. In that case, the Court recognized the socioeconomic realities of pavement dwellers and ruled that evicting them without proper rehabilitation amounted to violating their right to life.

The Court declared, “There can be no estoppel against the Constitution,” emphasizing that constitutional provisions serve public interest and human dignity. Despite this jurisprudence, courts have not always upheld such humane interpretations. (See Municipal Corporation of Delhi v. Gurnam Kaur, (1989) 1 SCC 101. Also, Sodan Singh v. NDMC (1989) 4 SCC 155)

 A notorious precedent occurred during the Emergency in 1976, when Indira Gandhi’s government forcibly demolished homes of poor Muslim residents in Delhi’s Turkman Gate (See Engineer Asghar Ali (2007) The Minority Votes, DNAIndia.com, August 13 https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/main-article-the-minority-votes-1115376.) The demolitions were accompanied by brutal police firing and a broader authoritarian agenda that included slum clearance, forced sterilizations, and curtailment of civil liberties (Raza Danish (2015) Tragedy and Turkman Gate: Witnesses recount horror of Emergency, The Hindustan Times, June 29, https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/tragedy-at-turkman-gate-witnesses-recount-horror-of-emergency/story-UD6kxHbROYSBMlDbjQLYpJ.html). The political strategy was armed with four major tactics moves that include compulsory sterilization (nas bandi), slum removal, police firing and curtailment of civil liberties (Wright Theodore P (1977) Muslims and the 1977 Indian Elections: A Watershed? Asian Survey 17(12) 1207-1220). The bulldozer, then as now, became a symbol of state repression.

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New India, Same Bulldozers

Today, decades later, the bulldozer has returned—not merely as a machine but as an extrajudicial instrument of state power. The targets remain eerily similar: the urban poor and Muslim minorities.

Despite laws that require due process—such as serving eviction notices and offering appeals—these procedures are increasingly ignored. Demolitions are often sudden, violent, and unaccompanied by any plans for resettlement.

Take the example of Khori Gaon, a 50-year-old settlement in Delhi with nearly 100,000 residents. In the middle of a pandemic and monsoon season, the settlement was demolished without warning. The residents were labeled as “forest encroachers,” and the court ordered their eviction without considering the humanitarian crisis. “We don’t want these Covid excuses,” the court stated. No hearings, no relief, no compensation—just brute force.

The state deployed heavy police presence, and residents—men, women, and children—were subjected to violence and trauma. No notices were served, no rehabilitation was planned, and no temporary shelters were provided. The very people who build and sustain cities were treated as disposable.

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The Politics of Slum Clearance

Slums are not a problem of illegality—they are a consequence of systemic failure. Displacement, poverty, lack of affordable housing, and urban exclusion force people into informal settlements. Often, these slums are not only known to state authorities but also unofficially sanctioned or even encouraged.

Yet, instead of addressing root causes, the state responds with violence. Slum clearance becomes a euphemism for class cleansing. Policies prioritize erasure over inclusion, and the poor are vilified as “encroachers,” “rioters,” or “illegal occupants.”

Forced evictions disproportionately affect women and children, causing generational harm—malnutrition, school dropouts, lost livelihoods, and increased vulnerability. Urban planning continues to ignore these costs, and the idea of humane rehabilitation remains absent from public discourse.

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Criminalizing and Dehumanizing the Poor

In places like Khori Gaon, Jahangirpuri, and Shaheen Bagh, homes are bulldozed under the pretext of punishing rioters or reclaiming land. But these demolitions function as collective punishment—used not to enforce law, but to signal power and reinforce prejudice.

By using bulldozers as punitive tools, the state legitimizes a narrative of criminality around the urban poor. Rehabilitation schemes, when they exist, are narrow in scope and exclude most affected families. The selective nature of demolitions—often targeting Muslim and marginalized communities—deepens social divisions.

This pattern reveals an alarming trend: the bulldozer is no longer just a machine. It is a weapon of majoritarian assertion, a symbol of control, and a tool for the dehumanization of the “other.”

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From Constitution to Control

The use of bulldozers today reflects a broader erosion of democratic values. What we are witnessing is not just the demolition of homes, but the systematic dismantling of constitutional rights, especially for the poor and minorities.

By bypassing legal safeguards and justifying state violence in the name of law, the bulldozer has become the face of impunity in “New India.” It is no longer about removing structures—it is about erasing people, otherizing them, diminishing their rights, and voices that do not fit into the state’s vision of urban order and cultural conformity.

True justice demands that we rebuild not just homes, but the very foundations of compassion, equality, and lawfulness that are being flattened under the tracks of bulldozer politics.

The Founding Mothers: 15 Women Architects of the Indian Constitution

 THE FOUNDING MOTHERS: 15 Women Architects of the Indian Constitution

2016

A Book 

by Sr Mary Scaria and Shalu Nigam 

Media House Delhi 

In 2016, when we began the task of collecting material on the Founding Mothers of India—women who played pivotal roles in the country’s freedom struggle—we were met with a troubling silence in digital spaces. Information was sparse, fragmented, and often buried beneath layers of male-centric historical narratives. It quickly became clear that these women, despite their immense sacrifices and contributions, had been largely overlooked by mainstream historical discourse.

This erasure raises a deeply unsettling question: Why have these remarkable women been ignored when they stood shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts in the fight for independence? They organized protests, led movements, endured imprisonment, and gave voice to the voiceless—yet their stories remain absent from our collective memory.

Even more troubling is the fact that educational institutions—schools, colleges, and even law schools—rarely include them in their curricula. History textbooks offer only passing references, if any, and students grow up learning about a selective and incomplete version of the freedom struggle. The absence of these narratives not only does a disservice to the legacy of these women but also deprives future generations of diverse role models who embody courage, resilience, and leadership.

It is disheartening to witness this historical neglect. Recognizing and honoring the Founding Mothers is not merely a matter of academic interest—it is a necessary step toward a more inclusive and truthful retelling of our past. Their stories deserve to be told, studied, and celebrated with the same reverence afforded to their male counterparts. Only then can we begin to repair the gaps in our national memory and truly understand the richness of our freedom struggle.

When the mainstream discourse has forgotten the women who played a significant role in the making of the Indian Constitution, this book was the first of its kind to put together brief profiles of those 15 women who drafted the Constitution. These women include 

Ammu Swaminathan

Annie Mascarene.

Begum Aizaz Rasul

Dakshayani Velayudhan

Durgabai Deshmukh.

Hansa Mehta

Kamala Chaudhri

Leela Roy

Malati Devi Choudhury

Purnima Banerjee

Rajkumari Amrit Kaur

Renuka Ray

Sarojini Naidu

Sucheta Kripalani.

Vijayalakshmi Pandit.

These women played a significant role in the freedom struggle. Many have dedicated their lives despite facing misogyny. They left a long-lasting legacy. They were an inspiration for future generations of women.  

Though one of the critiques being raised is that many of them are from the elite classes, they played a pivotal role in crafting women's rights as equal citizens. When a section of the orthodox nationalists sees women as mothers, wives, and daughters, it is the progressive discourse that demands women's equal rights.